Aliaa Elmahdy:I am with the uprising of women in the "Arab world"

I am with the uprising of women in the "Arab world" because they threatened to rape me, jail me, and kill me, they kidnapped me, harassed me and tried to rape me... when I posted an artistic naked picture of myself and blogged about women's rights and had a relationship with my love and left my "father's house".
Aliaa Magda Elmahdy from Egypt

Saudi Arabia-led coalition airstrikes on Mokha is a war crime: HRW

Human Rights Watch has described the Saudi Arabia-led coalition airstrikes that kill dozens of civilians on Mokha city last week as a war crime.
At least 65 people, including 10 children, died and dozens were wounded during 30 minutes starting from 9:30 p.m. of July 24 when war jets repeatedly struck two residential compounds housing workers at a steam power plant and their families, the New York-based group said on Monday.
"The Saudi-led coalition repeatedly bombed company housing with fatal results for several dozen civilians," said Ole Solvang, senior emergencies researcher. "With no evident military target, this attack appears to be a war crime."
He called for United Nations Human Rights Council to create a commission of inquiry to investigate allegations of laws-of-war violations in Yemen.
Human Rights Watch visited the area of the attack a day-and-a-half later. "Craters and building damage showed that six bombs had struck the plant's main residential compound, which housed at least 200 families, according to the plant's managers. One bomb had struck a separate compound for short-term workers about a kilometer north of the main compound, destroying the water tank for the compounds, and two bombs had struck the beach and an intersection nearby," the organization said.
Bombs hit two apartment buildings directly, collapsing part of their roofs. Other bombs exploded between the buildings, including in the main courtyard, stripping the exterior walls off dozens of apartments, leaving only the load-bearing pillars standing.
The organization said that it saw "no signs that either of the two residential compounds for the power plants were being used for military purposes."

EU welcomes UN new Yemen envoy

The European Union welcomed on Sunday the appointment of Ismail Ould Cheikh Ahmed as a special envoy for the UN Secretary General to Yemen.

In a statement issued Sunday by Federica Mogherini, the High Representative for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy and Vice-President of the European Commission, she said that “The EU welcomes the appointment of Ismail Ould Cheikh Ahmed as UN Special Envoy to Yemen.”

“The EU stands ready to support him immediately in his efforts to reach an expeditious cessation of violence and to create the conditions for the resumption of inclusive political negotiations amongst Yemeni parties to provide a sustainable settlement to the current crisis,” the statement reads.

“As underlined in the EU Foreign Affairs Council conclusions of 20 April, the EU considers that only a broad political consensus achieved through inclusive negotiations can provide a sustainable solution, restore peace, and preserve the unity, sovereignty, independence and territorial integrity of Yemen," Mogherini said as quoted in the statement.

Two Significant New Developments in Yemen

Abdel Bari Atwan

Today the Saudi-led coalition enters the fourth week of its aerial bombardment of Houthi positions in Yemen and the death toll among civilians stands at more than 1,000. With no imminent prospect of dialogue to reach a negotiated settlement, the situation can only get worse.
There have been two major developments over the past days:
• First: The Saudis and Egyptians are close to agreeing joint military manoeuvres following a lightning visit by Prince Muhammad Bin Salman, the Saudi Defense Minister, and son of King Salman Ibn Abdel Aziz, Chairman of the Cabinet, to Cairo for talks with President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.
• Second: The UN Security Council passed a resolution on Tuesday imposing an arms embargo on the Houthis and calling on them to withdraw from the areas they have seized, including the capital, Sanaa. The resolution also blacklisted Ali Abdullah Saleh, the former Yemeni President’s son, and the Houthi leader Abel Malik al-Houthi. The two men face a global assets freeze and travel ban. President Saleh and two other Houthi leaders – Abdel al-Khlaiq al-Houthi and Abdullah Yahya al-Hakim – were blacklisted in November.
Regarding the Saudi-Egyptian move – there are two possible interpretations. One is that a ground invasion, involving Egyptian troops, is imminent. The other is that the two countries are attempting to ramp up pressure on the Houthis in order to bring them to the negotiating table and force concessions from them.
In an official statement following the visit from his Saudi guest, General al-Sisi said that ‘the security of the Gulf region is a red line for Egypt, and is an integral part of our national security, especially the Red Sea and the Bab al-Mandab straits’. Neverthless, we feel it is unlikely that Egypt will send ground troops to the war in Yemen, even if such a request has been made. With major regional powers Pakistan and Turkey standing back from the conflict, Egypt will be reluctant to go against the grain. Talk of military manoeuvres, rather than the full engagement of troops, may be a compromise stance for Cairo.
Egypt will not have forgotten its involvement in the 1962-1967 North Yemen Civil War when it supported the Republicans against the Royalists who were backed by Saudi Arabia. Of 70,000 Egyptian troops deployed in Yemen, 26,000 were killed and Egyptian historians refer to the disastrous war as ‘Egypt’s Vietnam’. The disaster had wider-reaching implications in that it greatly weakened the Egyptian Army at the time when its Arab brethren in Palestine needed it most – during the six-days war with Israel.
It is no coincidence that veteran Egyptian writer Mohammed Hassanein Heikal, a contemporary of ‘Egypt’s Vietnam’ is one of the loudest voices speaking out against any involvement in the latest Yemen war.
Moving on to the Security Council resolution, it is notable that the only abstention came from Russia. Why didn’t Russia exercise its veto and prevent the resolution entirely? We believe that Moscow did not want to lose the paragraph in the resolution that calls for the warring parties to implement a cease-fire and come to the negotiating table as soon as possible.
The Resolution is commendable and no-one could argue with its demands. It is also a significant diplomatic victory for Saudi Arabia and its Gulf allies. It is unlikely, however, to change anything on the ground. One could offer the criticism that it is too little too late – if the embargo on weapons to the Houthis had been in place three years ago we would not have seen Iranian ships and aircraft carrying all kinds of weapons and military equipment coming an going unhindered in Yemen’s ports and aiport.
There are more than 50 million firearms in Yemen; half of them arrived in the country from Saudi Arabia and other Gulf countries to arm the tribes and anti-Houthi groups but quite probably were commandeered by the Houthis just as weapons sent to the Syrian armed opposition ended up in the hands of Islamic State fighters.
Regarding the travel ban on Mr Abdel Malik Al-Houthi, we do not believe that this is a gentleman much given to jet-setting round the world’s capitals, if he has ever left Yemen it will have been the exception rather than the rule. Nor have we read, or heard on the grapevine, that he owns property or stocks or bank accounts abroad – we do not believe he has significant assets worth ‘freezing’.
The most important steps the international community should be taking are those that will lead to a political solution as soon as possible. The History of Yemen assures us that the country is the graveyard of any army rash enough to invade.

HRW requests neutral investigations with Arab coalition forces against Yemen

The Human Rights Watch (HRW) demanded on Thursday to hold neutral investigations with all members in the Arab coalition forces attacking Yemen led by Saudi Arabia to find out if there are violations of war laws and to take the necessary procedures.
In its press release, the HRW expressed its deep concerns over war laws violations, noting that the airstrikes led to the killing of at least 29 civilians and injured 41 others, including 14 children and 11 women in Al-Mazraq refugees camp in Hajjah governorate in addition to medical facilities, a local market and a bridge.
All states taking part in the attack against the refugees camp, which may include the USA, are obliged to undergo the investigation and that the USA has to make sure that the coalition which it supports takes all the necessary precautions to avoid civil and property losses, according to the press release.

Saudi Arabia And The Yemen Crisis

The Gulf Co-operation Council (GCC) countries are becoming increasingly alarmed by the burgeoning influence and military successes of the Ansar Allah Houthi militias in Yemen which has taken over the seat of government in Sanaa and is currently advancing on Aden where the country’s legitimate President, Abd-Rabbu Mansour Hadi has relocated.
The Shia militias are now the number one security priority for the GCC and for Saudi Arabia in particular since it shares a long border with Yemen to the south of the country and has its own restive Shia minority in the oil-rich east.

 The ‘Shiite’ problem is now of more concern in the Gulf than the Islamic State, particularly because of Iran’s unambiguous military and ideological support for the Houthis.
On Monday, Saudi Arabia’s foreign minister, Saud al-Faisal, told reporters in Riyadh that (Sunni) Arab nations would endeavour to ‘protect the region from aggression’ and criticized ‘Iranian interference’ in the region. He urged the Houthi rebels to vacate the seat of government and allow the return on President Hadi.
Houthi leaders have been invited to participate in a GCC summit, but their youthful leader, Abdel Malik, suggested yesterday that he would decline because he refuses to be under the umbrella of President Abed Rabbo Mansour Hadi, and does not recognize the legitimacy of his presidency.
The Houthi position is strengthening by the day and threatens the security of the strategic Bab el-Mandeb Strait through which much of the region’s shipping must pass (including oil). They have already taken the important port of Makha as well as Taiz and its airport and look set to attempt Aden.
Former Yemeni President Ali Abdullah Saleh is a strident supporter and ally of the Houthis and has made no comment, either negative nor positive, on the Saudi call for all regional powers to confront the Shiite forces and their Iranian allies.
We do not know what further steps the Saudis can take to prevent Yemen being overrun by the Houthis but there may be some clues in Prince Saud al-Faisal’s comments at yesterday’s press conference which was also attended by Philip Hammond, his British counterpart.
Prince Faisal talked of taking ‘all necessary steps’ to reverse the region’s burgeoning Iranian influence. If the political process fails to find a negotiated settlement with the Houthis in Yemen, does this mean that a military intervention?
Yemeni Foreign Minister Riad Yassin has called for a military intervention against the Houthis by GCC ‘Peninsula Shield’ forces to protect their vital interests. Will they agree to this request?
Consisting of units from each Gulf state, ‘Peninsula Shield’ has been deployed but once since its inception: in 1982, ie 29 years ago. In Bahrain in 2011, 1500 Saudi troops along with a few hundred from the United Arab Emirates intervened to put down the embryonic ‘Arab Spring’ uprising.
There is no doubt that Saudi Arabia has a strong army and up to the minute air capabilities, but when it experienced its own Houthi rebellion in the southern provinces of Jizan and Najran, which are characterized by the rough terrain and mountainous terrain, it took three months to bring it under control. How much longer will it require to bring all the Houthis of the whole of Yemen under control? And at what cost, both human and financial?
In our opinion, the greatest danger to Hadi in Yemen is not even the ‘Ansar Allah’ Houthi brigades, but former President Ali Abdullah Saleh and the Yemeni forces loyal to him. The man is a strategic mastermind, a political veteran, and his head is full of the Yemeni preoccupation with revenge – in this case directed at all those who toppled him, with President Hadi topping the list.
The irony here is the previous close alliance between the two men: Hadi was a Major General in the South Yemen army after it achieved independence, but sided with Saleh during the 1994 civil war, following him into exile in North Yemen. Saleh appointed him first Minister of Defence and then Vice President on 3 October 1994.
The sectarian aspect of the current crisis must concern us all and has not only regional but also international implications. The fight against al-Qaeda has been hampered by the Houthi uprising and the general chaos that has enveloped the country. The Sunni population is now more inclined to seek protection and the chance of military victory among the ranks of al-Qaeda and the new regional branch of Islamic State which seeks to eclipse it.
If Iran takes control of Bab el Mandeb, Egypt’s President al-Sisi will certainly be inclined to engage militarily to protect Egypt’s interest in the Red Sea and the Suez canal.
Prince Saud al-Faisal told journalists that ‘the security of the Gulf is the security of Yemen’. If that is the case, why was Yemen left to suffer by its wealthy neighbour and why did Riyadh, with its $2 trillion surplus allow its Yemeni brothers and sisters to go hungry all these years with the inevitable consequence that one day people would revolt… whether students, unemployed youth, Islamic extremists or… as is currently the case… the Houthis?
The Saudis must bear some responsibility at least for Yemen’s descent into bloody chaos.

How Can We Help South Sudan

Dr. Jeffrey H. Toney

An excerpt of this interview was recently published in the New York Times.
Alleged myth: Peace sanctions in Sudan will stabilize South Sudan.
Fact: Sudan has diverted the world's attention away from the atrocities its government is committing by arming the rebellion in South Sudan. Current sanctions do not support peace.
The U.S. government has maintained an embargo on Sudan for decades, but recently it was reported that a policy change will facilitate access of American technology products, such as smartphones and anti-virus software. Will this policy shift help support peace in South Sudan? I (JT) wanted to know how the global community can best help South Sudan, so I interviewed Nanthaniel Chol Nyok (NN), one of the Lost Boys of Sudan, who recently returned from the refugee camps where he visited his family. He aspires to building a new High School in South Sudan to transform the region through education.
JT: You recently returned from the South Sudan. How do villages receive news about developments in the conflict and with peace negotiations? Less than 10% of South Sudanese are literate, so written reports are not effective. Are some news delivered in local languages?
NN: Villages do not get any news. Most people do not read, write, or speak English or Arabic. They do not get any information about negotiations or new developments in relation to the conflict via these media. There are no credible news sources in local languages. Sometimes, messages are sent to people through local radio channels, but there are not a lot of these media either. When the war started, rebels used these channels for hate speech that led to the killing of many people especially in Bentiu and Malakal, so most of these local radios were closed. Now, civilians in the displaced camps and villages are denied their right to information. The Western news media will never be very accurate as long as most areas are inaccessible especially the one in the rebel-held areas. Also, there is no free information sharing in South Sudan. Most media people report whatever they could find, sometimes old or biased information.
JT: Is it possible for social movements to make a difference in this conflict, such as the Arab Spring? Use of social media?
NN: For social movements to make a difference, people must be educated. Social movements cannot bring a change in South Sudan now. Most people do not understand their rights. Most people who report on social media are biased. They do not report on issues - they report on identification and affiliations. The marginalized African population that is fighting the government in Darfur, Blue Nile, and Nuba Mountains is never educated, which is the reason they are fighting their government for being responsible for their backwardness. If a few literate activists get this technology, the rest don't need it. Hence, there won't be any major difference. The government could also use the same technology to track down the dissidents and activists. Sudan has diverted the world's attention away from the atrocities its government is committing by arming the rebellion in South Sudan. Now, the world thinks what is happening in South Sudan is separate, but the Sudan's Peninsula is embroiled in a political mess. Sudan created this opportunity in order to finish off the resistance in Darfur, Blue Nile, and Nuba Mountains, while destabilizing South Sudan.
JT: As a Sudanese and as a "lost boy of Sudan," why is it important for you to achieve your dream of building a new High School in South Sudan?
NN: Education prepares people to make decisions they could not make otherwise. We had all the civil wars in Sudan because the South Sudanese were denied education, so they couldn't be represented, couldn't take control of their own resources, couldn't fight for their rights, and the North Sudanese couldn't treat them like humans. In this South Sudan's conflict, lack of education causes people to believe that tribal identity weighs more than national identity. Most people still hold on to ancient myths about each other. To break these barriers and misunderstanding, the South Sudanese need education. Economically, people depend on the government to provide everything. People lack skills to find jobs or create one to care for their families. This leads tribes to compete over the government jobs. When one tribe has more people in the government than the others, this triggers accusations that spark violence. In addition, tribes raid each other for economic resources. In the process they kill each other over cattle and children.
NN: On the political level, our leaders are not well educated. They lack public administration skills. As a result, there is pervasive corruption and malpractices at all levels of government. On the social level, girls are married off at young age because they have no school to attend, they have nothing to do with their families, and they are a source of income as they are married with dowries. People also face health challenges and poverty due to lack of health professionals and a source of income. Once the girls are married, they fall into problems. They are not ready to bear children. They cannot care for their children. Their children face health issues since their mothers cannot figure out what's wrong. Building a high school for me is very important. High school education in South Sudan is huge. Girls and boys with high school certificates can find jobs and earn income to sustain their families. A high school will give parents a reason to not marry off their daughters as their daughters go to school. Girls after completing high school will be matured physically and mentally. They can know what to do with their health and bodies. They can be ready to have children. They can know what to do with children when they are sick. They can also be willing to send their children to school. Overall, the high school will bring students from different tribes together. Here they can learn a new identity -- national identity. They will pay loyalty to their nation, not to tribes. They would also be engaged in school, and as result would not train as raiders of other communities. They would also adapt a sense of unity as they learn, interact, and work as children from diverse communities. Most importantly, a high school education would also open a gate for those with opportunity to continue to college and university. This can shape the future of South Sudan.
JT: What do you believe is the most effective way for the U.S. and the global community to help?
NN: More pressure or even threat could be put on the rebels to give up the rebellion and negotiate issues with the government. The government has given amnesty to many other rebels before. There is no reason the government cannot do the same with these rebels. No doubt, South Sudan needs reform, but conflict can never bring that reform. However, we must make sure that the two sides guarantee to reform the system in all the levels of government. The rebellion consists of only less than ¼ of the Nuer population. The majority of Nuer stands with the government. It is only this portion of Nuer which are fighting the other 64 tribes. Do we want to stand with the majority to save South Sudan, or with the less than ¼ of a single tribe against the government? It is absolutely the choice of the US and UN, and the global community, but I think it is important for us to set a precedent so that future conflict is avoided. If this rebellion is given much recognition, other greedy politicians will take the initiative and form their own rebellion to ascend to power. In this illiterate society, it is important for the world to send a message that there is no reward for conflict.
JT: I want to help in any way I can. I hope some of our readers will join us. Thank you very much.

law banning dual-nationality Egyptians from parliament unconstitutional

Egypt's Supreme Constitutional Court (SCC) ruled Saturday unconstitutional a law banning dual nationality citizens from running in parliamentary elections.
The ruling opens the door for further postponement of parliamentary elections after an administrative court ordered a halt to all preparations for the vote.
The administrative court's order followed the SCC ruling unconstitutional parts of a different parliamentary election law.
While the parliamentary vote was initially set to start 21 March, new poll dates are yet to be determined.
Egypt has been without a parliament since the House of Representatives elected in late 2011 was dissolved in June 2012, following a court ruling that judged the law regulating its election to be unconstitutional.
In Saturday’s session, the SCC ruled the first section of Article 8 in the Parliamentary Elections Law unconstitutional.
The case was filed by lawyer Essam El-Islambouli.
Meanwhile, the court refused to hear another legal complaint challenging other parts of the same law.
Last week, the court looked into four cases challenging three election laws ruling that a part of the Elections Constituency Division Law is unconstitutional for violating the principle of fair, proportional representation of all voters.
Egypt’s President Abdel-Fattah El-Sisi, who holds legislative powers until an elected parliament convenes, urged the cabinet soon after last week’s ruling to amend the law within a month.
On Tuesday, an administrative court made the elections postponement official, ordering a halt to all preparations for the vote.
The 2015 parliamentary polls constitute the third and the last step in a political roadmap set forth by the army after the ouster of Islamist president Mohamed Morsi in 2013.

How Shaimaa al-Sabbagh Was Shot Dead at a Cairo Protest

Shaimaa al-Sabbagh died publicly. Journalists and camera phone-wielding bystanders captured the last desperate moments of her life after she was fatally shot on January 24, at a small, peaceful demonstration in downtown Cairo.
One painfully striking photograph became famous, reproduced on newspaper front pages and social media platforms — and helped turn her killing into a rallying point for opponents of Egypt's violently oppressive military government.
In it, she's being held upright, her small frame supported by a man in a black jacket with his arms around her waist and head at her breast. She looks ahead, her mouth slightly open in agony or shock, her short hair disheveled and clothes stained by the lingering Cairo dust. There is blood smeared down her cheek and leaking through her grey jumper in small patches where the contents of a shotgun cartridge fired at close range by a member of the security forces tore into her upper back and lacerated her heart and lungs.
Photographer Islam Osama took the now iconic image of Sabbagh as her friend Sayyid Abu el-Ela tried to save her. Image via Reuters.
The man in the picture is Sayyid Abu el-Ela, a friend of Sabbagh's who also attended the rally, meant to commemorate the hundreds killed in the popular uprising that unseated longtime autocrat Hosni Mubarak in January 2011.
The two first met four years previously as active members of revolutionary groups and were close throughout the political tumult which Egypt has suffered since then — together during acts of civil disobedience, rallies, marches and violent clashes with security forces. Sabbagh was, Ela says, "more than a brother" to him. Immediately after the picture was taken, he carried her across the road and placed her on the sidewalk. There are more pictures taken then, her eyes are closed and her head hangs back.
They couldn't stay on that patch of concrete. Security forces had already arrested two of those who'd tried to help Sabbagh and were chasing other demonstrators down the street, so another friend, Mustafa Abdul Ail, gathered her limp body up and moved down a passageway to a café with a loose arrangement of plastic chairs spread outside. He put her in one of them while both he and Ela shouted for an ambulance, and when security officers ignored their pleas, tried to find taxi or even a private car to take Sabbagh to hospital. Police were at both ends of the alley, however, and people were reluctant to help. The only one who did, was a doctor named Maher Nassar, who had been sitting in the café and came over to try and give first aid. But after a brief examination, he told Ail and Ela that she was dead. More cops arrived seconds later and dragged away all of those around Sabbagh, leaving her body slumped in the chair alone.
'We know that freedom is expensive, but now we ask ourselves if it is as expensive as Shaimaa's blood, and we are not sure about that.'
Sabbagh was 31, and lived in Alexandria with her five-year-old son, Bilal, nicknamed "Bebo." She was a member of the leftist Socialist People's Alliance Party (SPAP) — which organized the demonstration at which she died — and a tireless participant in politics and public work. Friends describe her providing what assistance she could for some of the most vulnerable members of society: workers, slum-dwellers and street kids.
She studied public folklore and was working on documenting the traditions of small Nile valley villages. A well-known poet too, Sabbagh wrote often about daily life and politics. It wasn't always serious; a colleague recalls through a mixture of tears and laughter that she once penned some verses about breadsticks, even though she didn't eat much.
Those who knew Sabbagh say she was a calm and conciliatory person, a constant source of support, despite instability in her own life. She was optimistic too, convinced that Egypt would soon move beyond its recent sad history.
Above all, friends say, she was a loyal mother, devoted to Bilal — a smart boy who she raised to know his rights and responsibilities and worked hard to put in a good school. He is now staying with a family friend and does not yet know his mother is dead.
Sabbagh was obviously loved and respected. She moved through a network of singers, artists, directors, authors, politicians, family and friends, some of whom are now gathering together to continue her projects and reprint her poems.
Her funeral was in Alexandria on January 25, but many came also to a memorial service held in a Cairo mosque a week after her death. Ela was there, first in a line of friends and SPAP comrades lined up under a portrait of her face at the mens' entrance to greet those who came to pay their respects. He was distraught. "It was an honor to live beside her, the most important thing that happened to me in my life was to be with her in her last moment," he told VICE News, stopping occasionally to brush away tears. "We know that freedom is expensive, but now we ask ourselves if it is as expensive as Shaimaa's blood, and we are not sure about that."
Later, he sobbed openly, comforted by Ail they embraced under the picture's gaze.
A week later, he described Sabbagh as the most precious person he knew. "She was the only beautiful thing in my life. And after her, there is nothing beautiful around."

Ela and Ail embrace under a picture of Sabbagh during a Cairo memorial ceremony. Image by John Beck
Sabbagh began the day she died at her home in Alexandria. She entrusted Bilal to a friend and caught a 9.30am Cairo train with three SPAP colleagues. They arrived around noon, had a late breakfast and drunk tea and coffee at a cafe, Hossam Nasr, one of the group who traveled with her, told VICE News. Then they climbed the five dusty flights of stairs to SPAP's anonymous downtown headquarters for a meeting on how to approach March's parliamentary elections.
It was an important discussion. The Egyptian military removed Mohamed Morsi, the country's first democratically elected president, from power in mid-2013 and has since tightened control, suppressing any form of dissent and persecuting Morsi's followers with systematic brutality. It also introduced a protest law that allows authorities to ban even peaceful demonstrations and forcibly disperse or jail protesters. Former army chief President Abdel Fattah el-Sisi was elected virtually unopposed in 2014's presidential polls and has since said that the upcoming elections will be the final stage in a democratic changeover. But instead, they look set to usher in Mubarak-era officials and a further regression to the old order, and many opposition groups have called for boycotts.
Morsi's Muslim Brotherhood, meanwhile, once the most organized political faction in Egypt, has now been outlawed, hundreds of supporters killed in clashes with security forces and thousands more jailed.
As well as the elections, SPAP's political bureau also planned to discuss an idea which had first been circulated on a closed Facebook group two days before — sending a small delegation to lay flowers in commemoration of those who lost their lives in the 2011 revolution at the government-constructed monument in central Tahrir Square. Sabbagh was in good spirits that afternoon, laughing, joking, Nasr recalls. She told SPAP party's Secretary General Talat Fahmi — a well dressed, silver-haired party elder — that they'd chant "down, down with Talat Fahmi!" in the street. She sang too, including Ana Bahebak Ya Biladi, a popular revolutionary song written from the perspective of a martyr speaking to their mother:
"tell my mother 'don't be sad,
swear on my life you won't cry',
tell her 'sorry mother,
I died, but our country lived.'"
It didn't seem like anyone would die for their country that day. Party leaders resolved to go ahead with the march, and while they were aware that it would violate the protest law, insisted the delegation be small, remain peaceful and avoid any provocation. The plan was to assemble briefly, lay a wreath with an SPAP placard then leave. Anti-government and anti-security forces slogans would be eschewed for the uncontroversial revolutionary mantra of "bread, freedom and social justice," and they agreed to return to the party headquarters if ordered to disperse. The timing of the march was also deliberate, Fahmi says. The uprising's official anniversary is January 25, but the Brotherhood had vowed action on the day itself. To avoid trouble, SPAP decided to stage its demonstration 24 hours earlier.
Security forces had, as they often do during tense periods, blocked access to Tahrir Square with razor wire and armored vehicles, so instead, the demonstrators decided on Talaat Harb Square, a six-way junction centered around a statue of the Banque Misr founder for whom it is named.
The group left the SPAP office on Mohammed Sedqy Pasha Street carrying a wreath of flowers and a large banner a little after 3.30pm. There were around 30 attendees in all, 13 of them more than 60 years old and two over 70, Fahmi says. They started the short walk toward the square via Hoda Shaarawy Street, sticking to their plan of only non-inflammatory chants, according to a number of witnesses. It was a weekend and the streets were empty, but they kept on the sidewalk to avoid blocking traffic. When they turned onto Talaat Harb Street and headed towards the plaza they saw a mixed force of uniformed police, plain clothed officers and members of the Central Security Forces — a paramilitary riot squad — ahead of them. They crossed to the other side of the road to avoid confrontation and stood in a line outside the Air France office on the southwestern corner of the square.
But the security forces appeared to be mobilizing, readying weapons and taking position.
Fahmi split off and approached the senior officer there, identified by laywyers and rights groups as a police brigadier general, and told him that they would place the flowers under the statue and leave without any further protest. The commander, recalls the SPAP secretary general, was enraged and threatened to violently disperse the demonstrators. Fahmi once again tried to explain, but was cut off. "He [the officer] repeated his threat so I told him in the end, 'ok, we will go'… I hadn't continued my sentence when I found a wave of bullets."
As Fahmi moved back towards the demonstrators to tell them to leave, sirens screeched, the security forces moved forward and firing began; tear gas at first, quickly followed by birdshot.
The demonstrators scattered. Or most did. Sabbagh was insistent that they should stay. Her worried colleagues tried to pull her away. "I was saying to Shaimaa 'let's run, because they will start intensively shooting,' says Nasr, who is seen wearing green and standing close to Sabbagh in video and pictures of the incident. "She said: 'no we started this and we have to finish it, their purpose is to scare us'," he recalls. Ela was nearby too and both he and Nasr half-dragged, half-cajoled Sabbagh down the street. They only made it a few feet from the protest spot.
Then, Nasr says, the brigadier general pointed towards them, seemingly giving an order to a masked officer holding a shotgun by his side. The gunman raised his weapon and fired birdshot in their direction at least three times. Some of the pellets from the first or second shot hit another Alexandria party member, Mohammed Sherif, in the head and arm and a few others lodged in Sabbagh's back and face, Nasr says. The third hit Sabbagh squarely in the back. The dozens of small lead balls inside a birdshot cartridge are designed to spread out over their trajectory. But the range was so close that almost the entire contents entered her body, tearing into her heart and lungs and causing massive internal bleeding, according to a subsequent forensics report.

Osama fled the scene to avoid arrest moments after taking these photographs. He says he is now haunted by her image. Image via Reuters.
For a moment, Nasr didn't notice his friend had been wounded, and moved between her and the security forces to protect her from further fire. As he did so, she collapsed. "I thought she fell down because I was dragging her in the opposite direction," he remembers. "It didn't enter my mind that she had been shot." He tried to pull her up from the concrete, shouting that they had to go, to run. But members of the security forces, including a plain-clothes officer in a cream jacket — also visible in the video footage — dragged him off, slammed him against a metal shutter by the Air France office, then hustled him towards an armored vehicle beating him as they went. He looked back and glimpsed Ela carrying a bloodied Sabbagh. It was the last time he saw her.
Ela says he was two or three steps away when Sabbagh crumpled to the ground. He immediately went to help but also didn't realise that she'd been shot until he found blood on her upper back. When she didn't respond, he put his arms around her waist and tried to pick her up himself. It was then that Islam Osama, a photographer with the local Youm El Sabea newspaper, took the now-iconic picture.
Osama was behind Sabbagh when she fell and took two pictures, moved closer and shot several more while Ela attempted to help her, then immediately fled the area to avoid arrest.
He later told VICE News that the international impact his photograph has had is a source of professional pride, but that it still affects him — the expression on her face something he sees again and again: "I sympathize with Shaimaa so much and the picture I took... the way she was… it became a ghost haunting me all the time," he says.

Ela described Sabbagh as the 'only beautiful thing in my life' and the most precious person he knew. Image via Reuters.
Ela carried Sabbagh across the road and put her down close to Cafe Riche, a Cairo institution that has witnessed key moments of Egypt's political history over its more than a century in business.
There, he tried to find out how badly she'd been hurt. "I didn't know what kind of injuries she had, and if they were dangerous or not," he says, "…[but] she started bleeding from the nose and mouth and I knew they were dangerous."
He describes then asking a nearby police officer to call an ambulance, but being ignored.
Fahmi recalls finding Ela and Ail outside Café Riche on each side of Shaimaa, panicked and confused. "I asked what was happening," he told VICE News from his office a few days later. "They said she was dying and I began to scream for an ambulance too."
He says he sharply ordered a young police officer with a walkie-talkie to call for medical help. The cop did as he was told, but none came. Fahmi continued to shout until the brigadier general noticed and arrived with men to arrest him. He was the second to be detained trying to help Sabbagh.
Ail, a big, bearded man with curly hair seen wearing orange in pictures from the day, picked up his mortally wounded colleague and moved down al-Bostan al-Sidi passage, while Ela ran in front, trying to get someone to call an ambulance or a taxi.
They placed Sabbagh in a chair in front of another café. Both say she was then still trying to grasp their hands.
Ail also describes repeatedly asking the police for help. "First I asked the security forces to call an ambulance but they didn't do anything. I asked many times. And afterwards, I carried her… and asked them to bring an ambulance one more time but they refused. I put her on a chair…. I didn't know then that she had already died."
Dr. Nassar — a white bearded man in his 60s with longish hair and thick black glasses — had just finished a cup of coffee and was about to ask for the check when the shooting started. When he saw Sabbagh, he came over to see if he could help. He couldn't. Nassar told VICE News that he examined Sabbagh's vital signs and quickly realized that her wounds were fatal. "I could do nothing for her, I had no instruments, no bandages, no blood and I told them she was dead."
"He looked at her eyes, and said she had died," Ela recalls. "We screamed at him, we were not convinced that she had."
Security forces then arrived from both ends of the alley and grabbed the men — including Nassar — one by one from around Sabbagh. They continued to ask for help. "While they were arresting us, we told them 'ok take us, [but] please first rescue her.' We [said] we were her brothers, so please don't leave her bleeding on the pavement','" Ela says.
Their pleas went unanswered; security forces threw them into armored vehicles but left Sabbagh slumped in the plastic chair.
Just four minutes had passed since Sabbagh was shot, and roughly 15 since they had set out on the march.
'I asked the security forces to call an ambulance but they didn't do anything. I asked many times.'
Not everyone was arrested. Nagwa Abbas, an SPAP political bureau member who took part in the demonstration, told VICE News that she saw Sabbagh being carried towards al-Bostan al-Sidi passage followed by a police vehicle and the brigadier general, who was gesturing that those trying to save her be arrested.
Abbas, an older woman with white-streaked black hair then hid herself in the bathroom of the cafe where Sabbath died until a party colleague, Mohammed Salah, called and asked her to go with the owner of a private car that offered to take her wounded colleague to the hospital. Salah had been threatened with arrest and tried to move from the area, but was detained anyway. Abbas went outside immediately and saw a youth carrying Sabbagh towards a car driven by an older man. Both were strangers, so she got in the back with Sabbagh's head on her lap while the younger man sat in front next to the driver. Sabbagh had at that point "no sign of life," she says.
The men drove them to the nearby Cairo Kidney Center, where they put Sabbagh in a wheelchair and then quickly left. The identity of the driver and youth is unknown to Sabbagh's friends and colleagues, but Abbas says she suspects that they were affiliated with the security forces, because the older man drove almost directly into a checkpoint then had a brief conversation with the officers there, during which he called them by name.
Azza Matar, a party colleague and friend of Sabbagh's, arrived at the hospital shortly afterwards. She had been late to the march and repeatedly tried to phone Sabbagh as she walked towards Talaat Harb Square from her nearby apartment.
But when she got to Hoda Shaarawy street, she told VICE News, her SPAP colleagues were running in the opposite direction pursued by police vehicles and shouting that they'd been shot at and gassed. She looked for Sabbagh, but friends told her to get to the office — staying in the street would mean certain arrest.
From inside the headquarters, she called and called Sabbagh until at last someone picked up. A stranger answered. "She told me 'the owner of this phone is alone in the cafe, she's helpless and someone has to take her to the hospital'," Matar recalls. She and other party members ran down the stairs and outside.
On the way, she met other SPAP members who said Abbas had gone with Sabbagh to the hospital. They didn't know which one, so Matar began frantically calling Abbas instead. While she tried, an ambulance finally arrived at the second cafe. It had taken at least 30 minutes.
Eventually Abbas answered, her voice trembling. "Shaimaa is not ok," she told Matar. "And I don't know what to do."
Matar hurried to the Kidney Center. When she arrived, doctors had already pronounced Sabbagh dead and were standing in a circle talking. "I found her [Sabbagh] in a wheelchair, blood coming out of her mouth and nose and her sweater red with blood. There were two wounds in her left cheek," Matar says. "Obviously she was dead, dead a long time ago."

Ela and Ail tried to help Sabbagh but were arrested by security forces. Image via Reuters.
She called the other party members to tell them the news. Some thought it was a joke at first or didn't believe it and insulted and cursed her. Matar then searched for Sabbagh's phone to avoid it being confiscated by police. Another party member who had arrived at the hospital handed it to her. Sabbagh's mother and sister rang continuously. Eventually, Matar picked and told them what had happened. "It was me who had to convey the news to them," she remembers. "When they called she [Sabbagh] was in front of my eyes. I tried not to answer but they kept calling."
Bilal called too, but this time, she ignored it. "The child, I couldn't...," she says, fading off.
It quickly became chaotic in the tiny hospital reception. More party members and friends began to arrive, accompanied by human rights lawyers. Police appeared too and put Sabbagh's body into the morgue. The chief of Qasr al-Nile police station, which has jurisdiction in the area, was with them. Both Matar and Abbas insist that he was the brigadier general who gave the order to shoot at Taalat Harb Square although lawyers working with SPAP say this is not the case.
The crowd there thought so, however, and shouted at the man, calling him a killer and arguing over Sabbagh's documents, which hospital staff had taken.
As they did, someone screamed that the police were trying to move her body out of the back door. It is standard procedure after a violent death, but Matar says they panicked, assuming that if authorities had both the body and the IDs then Sabbagh's friends and family would not be able to prove she had even existed, let alone how she died.
The group rushed to the hospital's rear entrance and found officers securing a passage to an ambulance for Sabbagh's body, which was now on a stretcher. Abbas tried to reach them. "I told them I wanted to finish my mission and if they wanted to arrest me because I took the body, then they could, but they should keep me with the body," she says.
The police chief then elbowed her in the chest, she claims, knocking her back as Sabbagh was put into the ambulance. But SPAP members and supporters blocked the vehicle's way and hustled Ahmad Raghib, a lawyer with the human rights-focused Hisham Mubarak Law Center, into the ambulance. He accompanied her body to central Zeinhom morgue.
Matar and many others, including several more lawyers, joined them there from around 6pm and stayed while the legal team pushed for an autopsy, which was eventually performed. They waited for seven hours until Sabbagh's uncle came to collect the body.
'I sympathize with Shaimaa so much and the picture I took... the way she was… it became a ghost haunting me all the time.'
Six were arrested as Sabbagh died: Fahmi, Ela, Ail , Nasr, Nassar and Salah. Nasr, the first to be arrested says that he was beaten after being taken to an armored vehicle. Fahmi, second to be seized, says that he too was physically abused as he was taken away, even though he insisted he wasn't resisting. He describes being thrown at officers' feet in the same armored vehicle as Nasr.
The men were then transferred to a police van, where they found Ela and the others, who told them that Sabbagh had died. All six were then taken to Qasr al-Nile police station and transferred to Abdeen district, where they spent the night before being routed on to the local prosecutor's office later that day.
Prosecution officers first said that they would be questioned as eyewitnesses, but then pressed charges for attacking security forces, blocking traffic, and chanting anti-government slogans.
Several others, including Abbas and Center for Egyptian Women's Legal Assistance chair Azza Suleiman, who were not arrested with the six men, later went to give testimony and charged with the same offenses.
All the charges but that of violating the protest law have now been withdrawn after being rendered blatantly false by the large amount of video evidence. But the defendants could still face jail time.

Sabbagh's funeral was held in the city of Alexandria. Image via Reuters
The accounts given by all interviewees — including some not named in the piece — correspond on all major points and almost all details, although there are some small disparities. Osama is sure that Ela was the first person to try and help Sabbagh. Nasr can be seen in pictures in the seconds before she was shot, however, as well as being arrested moments later.
Fahmi believes tear gas wasn't fired, saying he would have been certain to smell it. Nevrtheless, Osama has pictures of the gas and everyone else reports that it was fired before the birdshot.
The most striking discrepancy came from Atef Salama, a worker in the al-Bostan al-Sidi Passage cafe who started his shift shortly before the events took place. At first, he gave VICE News an identical account to the others, saying that those surrounding Sabbagh were arrested within "three or four" minutes of arriving at the cafe, by which point she was "already gone."
Later, however, after the interview touched on his being questioned by the police, he blamed those around her for failing to help and said that they refused offers of a car and a motorbike to take Sabbagh to hospital. He then said that there had in fact been a 15-minute wait before the arrests took place. "They [the police] have questioned me three times... And I said the same things I told you," he said. "I tried to help her and I am accusing the people around her before she died."
'The investigation neglected those with actual weapons and went with illusionist tricks.'
It is virtually certain that a member of the security forces shot Sabbagh. Numerous eyewitnesses describe the same masked man raising and firing his weapon in her direction before she collapsed to the ground, and the same scene is also seen in video footage. Moreover, the forensics report says the birdshot found in her body was fired from no more than eight meters away, allowing little other possibility.
Even Sisi took the almost unprecedented step of hinting that a member of the police might be responsible during a speech in which he described Sabbagh as his "daughter", although added that the reputation of an entire institution should not be tarnished by the actions of an individual. Authorities have now opened an investigation into the killing.
But this only happened after huge publicity and rare condemnation by state media. It previously looked as if her death would be whitewashed like so many others. An Interior Ministry official, General Gamal Mokhtar told reporters on January 28 that police would not use force to disperse such a small demonstration and suggested that the footage showing her being shot might have been staged. Minister for the Interior Mohamed Ibrahim said that police officers only carried tear gas and that shotguns were "strictly forbidden" at demonstrations.
These claims are also plainly untrue. Shotguns were reported by all eyewitnesses that spoke with VICE News and can be seen in photographs and video footage of the event.
Some pro-government media outlets also suggested that the Muslim Brotherhood might somehow be guilty of killing Sabbagh. The group is now frequently blamed for almost any ill, even for acts — like attacks on troops in the Sinai — for which others have claimed responsibility.
In the aftermath, videos also began to circulate among army supporters suggesting the real killer was a tall man in a brown jacket seen walking away, apparently calmly, from the scene. The man had his hand in his pocket and, they claimed, had shot her with a concealed weapon.
The man was SPAP vice-president and acting leader Zohdy el-Shami, who had also been at the march. He had been hit in the head during the rush to escape the firing and was moving away in a daze, he says.
Afterwards, he attended Sabbagh's Alexandria funeral then returned to his home in nearby Damanhour. However, on January 31 the Qasr al-Nil district prosecutor's office demanded his presence in Cairo, then questioned him as a suspect for hours and accused him of carrying a weapon and assaulting citizens.
Shami, a slender, mild mannered man in his 60s who recently had heart surgery, is diplomatic, but bemused by the affair. "The investigation neglected those with actual weapons and went with illusionist tricks," he told VICE News.
It would of course be easy to prove if he had indeed shot Sabbagh with a gun in his pocket, as his jacket would at the very least be singed and coated with gunshot residue. Prosecutors accordingly went to Shamy's house in Damanhour and retrieved the garment.
However, they did so without a warrant and without Shamy actually being present, he says, both legal violations. Ali Soliman, a lawyer with the Front to Defend Egypt's Protesters working with SPAP on the case backs this account and adds that authorities then claimed that Shami's family had voluntarily given them the jacket. But he lives alone, and Soliman says witnesses saw prosecution officers break down the door.
The lawyer adds that he was worried the prosecution would shoot a hole in the coat and fabricate evidence in order to frame Shami. After SPAP leaders, along with representatives of other political parties, met with Sisi in a prescheduled meeting, however, he was released.
Sisi gave his speech on the matter shortly afterwards and this had a "magical effect," Soliman says, adding that without it, he is sure the SPAP vice-president would have been made patsy. "Without this meeting they would have put a gun there [the coat pocket] and shot a bullet and finished!" he says, dusting his hands.
Dr. Nassar criticizes Sabbagh's colleagues for moving Sabbagh, something he says could have caused further harm. In the midst of the firing, Ela and Ail felt they had little other option, however, and doing so is common in Egypt, where few have medical training and the bloodied bodies of the wounded or dying are often rushed from clashes on the back of motorbikes or in friends' arms.
Pictures of President Sisi and other government officials with the word "killer" are held by protesters on a Cairo Bridge on February 14. Image via Reuters.
Qasr al-Nile prosecutor's office announced on February 10 that Sabbagh's killer is now in custody and will be identified within days, according to state media. Initial reports indicated that this may be a police officer.
Two days later, Prosecutor General Hisham Barakat ordered a media gag order until investigations are completed and urged "accurate" media coverage. The statement also described the case as a misdemeanor, however, which means that even if a conviction does follow, the maximum sentence will be just three years.
Even if appropriate justice is meted out to those responsible for Sabbagh's death, this would be a special case. The huge amount of damning photographic and video footage combined with a forensics report officially establishing how she died and her background as a mother, poet and secular activist made it hard for authorities to accuse her of violence or blame another party.
Instead, the image of a peaceful demonstrator gunned down as she lay flowers to commemorate the dead prompted massive criticism that forced an official reaction. Likely not for ethical reasons, however, but because authorities are increasingly aware that police brutality was one of the reasons for the 2011 revolution and that it can pose a future existential threat too.
Hundreds have died at the hands of security forces since the revolution, but their killers are rarely held accountable in any form. This year alone, 26 perished around the revolution anniversary and more than 20 lost their lives in a stampede when officers shot birdshot and teargas at soccer fans outside a Cairo stadium on February 8. None will be described as Sisi's children, or, if previous cases are anything to go by, even be the subject of a proper investigation.
A girl, 17-year-old Sondos Ridha was shot and killed at an Islamist-led protest in Alexandria by police the day before Sabbagh's death. Her association with the Muslim Brotherhood, which is reviled by the state and secular opposition alike, meant outrage was limited. There was little condemnation, no rush of sympathizers, and no forensics report. Instead, she, like so many others, was buried in silence along with her rights.

new job for obama and isis

new job for obama and isis

Jordan has executed by hanging Iraqi militant Iraqi Sajida al-Rishawi

Jordan has executed by hanging a jailed Iraqi woman militant whose release had been demanded by the Islamic State group that burnt a captured Jordanian pilot to death, a security source said on Wednesday.
Responding to the killing of the pilot, whose death was announced on Tuesday, the Jordanian authorities also executed another senior al Qaeda prisoner sentenced to death for plots to wage attacks against the pro-Western kingdom in the last decade.
Sajida al-Rishawi, the Iraqi woman militant, was sentenced to death for her role in a 2005 suicide bomb attack that killed 60 people. Ziyad Karboli, an Iraqi al Qaeda operative, who was convicted in 2008 for killing a Jordanian, was also executed at dawn, the source said.
Jordan, which has been mounting air raids in Syria as part of the U.S.-led alliance against Islamic State insurgents, said it would deliver a "strong, earth-shaking and decisive" response to the killing of pilot Mouath al-Kasaesbeh.
The fate of Kasaesbeh, a member of a large tribe that forms the backbone of support for the country's Hashemite monarchy, has gripped Jordan for weeks and some Jordanians have criticized King Abdullah for embroiling them in the U.S.-led war that they say will provoke a militant backlash.
The king cut short a visit to the United States to return home following word of Kasaesbeh's death. In a televised statement, he said the pilot's killing was an act of "cowardly terror" by a deviant group that had no relation to Islam.

Safinaz her car boasts gold-plated

Ignited a dancer, Safinaz, social networking sites during her recent trip in Dubai, where she was traveling by car, "Porsche Carrera" gold-plated.
Participated Safinaz audience publish a picture the car she was wandering out of Dubai through the official front-page on the social networking "Facebook" site.
Also published pictures of her over the Burj Khalifa, which is the tallest tower in the world, as part of her visit to Dubai to attend the shopping festival.
It is noteworthy that the dancer "Safinaz" she had said she tired of comparable Egyptian counterparts, we have consistently, noting that it is quite different from that.

Vidao..Youth Palestinian beating Canada's Foreign Minister eggs

Threw dozens of Palestinian protesters on Sunday, a car Canadian Foreign Minister JohnBairdeggs, and chanted slogans condemning the visit to the Foreign Ministry's headquarters in Ramallah.
The protesters waved Palestinian flags and banners reading in Arabic and English slogans condemning the visiting Foreign Minister of Canada to the Palestinian territories, including "not welcome Bdaam Zionism," and "not welcome Bird Jerusalem is our capital."

Participants in the demonstration and echoed through the Palestinian Foreign Minister Riyad al-Maliki meeting, the Canadian counterpart, slogans such as "Bird Balance Balance" and "not welcome Bdaam terrorism."

And tried dozens of members of the security services, without the use of violence, prevent the demonstrators from approaching cars delegation, but that did not prevent that affects some white car Canadian Foreign Minister directly, when he was getting onboard.
He said Fatah Youth, which called for this demonstration secretary Hassan Faraj: "We have asked the government not to receive the Foreign Minister of Canada."
He added: "This event is a clear message that we reject visiting Foreign Minister of Canada, which supports terrorism, support for the war on Gaza, and also supports the settlement in Jerusalem."
He continued: "Canada is not only supporting the occupation of positions, but are trying to put pressure on a number of countries to help stop the Palestinian people, Snstqublh eggs and shoes, because this is the reception that it deserves."
Immediate comment from the Palestinian Ministry of Foreign Affairs about his experience Canada's Foreign Minister after his meeting with al-Maliki was issued.

We celebrated our 10th anniversary and the services we have provided to the community.

DONATE | BCFE.org Issue 08 , 25 December 2014  2014 has been a busy year for BCFE. We celebrated our 10th anniversary and the services we have provided to the community. Over these years, we provided awareness and early detection campaigns to 44,173 women, mammograms to 11,066 women, surgeries for more than 250 women, in addition to diagnostic and treatment services and rehabilitation to 7,246 breast cancer patients. This all would not have been possible without each and every BCFE's supporter. Thank you! Our Services News 25 October 2014  Palm Hills Walk "Walk for the Cure'' Festival was h... more 23 October 2014  Think Pink Awareness Day "Walk for the Cure'' Festival was h... more 18 October 2014  Pink Party 5 (Zumbathon) Once more BCFE held the Pink Party to ra... more -   Mammogram  -   Lymphoedema  -   Prothsesis  -   Awareness and Screening  more BCFE on the spot  The Modern English School students took the initiative to raise awareness and funds for breast cancer. BCFE visited the school to provide awareness and early detection screening for the school's employees. The Community Program team headed to Suez city to provide awareness and early detection services to the female employees of Telecom Egypt. This is part of our long partnership to provide such a service to all their female employees across Egypt. BCFE thanks the gyms that have supported us this year during our events and October breast cancer awareness month. Thank you Curves Gym, Samia Allouba, Hers Gym, Body Works Studio and Fitzone gym. HSBC invited Dr. Mohamed Shaalan to give an awareness session to HSBC's employees. HSBC has generously sponsored 3000 mammograms. BCFE visited the St. Michael and St. George Church in Mataria to provide the congregation awareness and early detection screening. Sykes held a "Pink Day" for breast cancer awareness month. BCFE participated in the event and provided employees with information on breast cancer risk factors and early detection methods. More  Susan G. Komen®  has recently supported BCFE to improve our capacity through an updated website, new educational mmaterial and staff trainings.

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